The
recent crushing defeat of Turkish President Tayyip Erdoğan’s chosen
candidate for mayor of Istanbul – the country’s largest city and centre of
economic activity – demonstrated much more than the skill of a young, dynamic
opponent with a clear message. The defeat revealed wide cracks in the dogmatic,
resentful, autocratic veneer that Erdoğan had drawn over the country – cracks
that will be almost impossible for him to repair.
Another key message of this election
– and why it heralds deep changes in Turkey – is that the slow, sometimes
painfully slow, evolution of democracy is much longer lasting than the previous
quick fixes of military coups that only made things worse in the long run by
papering over rather than solving sharp divisions. Yet another message is that
the term ‘Islamic democracy’ is not a complete oxymoron. When given the chance
people in countries with an overwhelmingly Moslem population can indeed vote
for positive change.
Ekrem Imamoglu and his wife Dilek. The new symbol of Turkey? |
From the time he first became mayor
of Istanbul in 1994, then prime minister, then president with unchecked powers
Erdoğan has feasted on the ‘we-vs.-them’
theme where the ‘we’ were the struggling masses of Anatolia and
the ‘them’ were the so-called ‘White Turks’ of the traditional
political, military, and economic elite. The message only got stronger when the
bulk of rural Anatolia emigrated into Turkey’s booming cities. Erdoğan’s
message of how the social, religious and economic concerns of the masses were
ignored by the White Turks resonated loudly. The sad thing is that he was not
completely wrong.
Rainer Hermann, Middle East editor
for the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, lived for almost 20 years in
Turkey and the Gulf and is one of the most astute analysts of the region. He
has travelled widely throughout Turkey and spent many days in the burgeoning
suburbs of Istanbul observing how they have changed over the last 15 – 20
years. The festering slums have been replaced by apartment blocks, water systems,
roads, public transit, and schools. ‘What Erdoğan failed to notice were the social,
political and economic changes in the third and fourth generation of Anatolian
immigrants into Turkey’s cities. Now almost 80% of the Turkish population now
lives in the country’s 30 largest cities. By this time, they are thoroughly
urbanized and their expectations are similar to many young people throughout
Europe. In short, the ‘we’ he used to rely on has become the ‘them’.’
With this background it is easier to
see how Erdoğan’s proxy candidate in Istanbul, the old faithful Binali Yildirm, had very
little chance against the much younger and energetic Ekrem Imamoğlu who had
previously been the mayor of one of the city’s several sub-districts. Yildirm
sang the same old song, but this time the chorus was not with him.
Another very good analyst of Turkish affairs, Kadri Gursel, noted that the Istanbul
election amounts to a ‘political earthquake. The June 23 result is nothing
less than a tectonic shift in Turkish politics, the impact of which was felt in
all of Istanbul’s districts.’ He went on to say that Erdoğan ‘could well
lose Turkey down the road because any political change in Istanbul reflects on
the whole country sooner or later. A megapolis of 16 million people, Istanbul
is a role model emulated by the rest of the country. It is a trendsetter in
almost everything, from lifestyles and consumption habits to sports, culture
and arts. And any trend that Istanbul does not adopt remains local, failing to
spread across the country. This goes for political trends as well. One cannot
win over Turkey without winning over Istanbul.’
This
development couldn’t have come at a worse time for Erdoğan who is facing
problems and increased isolation on multiple fronts – Syria, the Kurds, Iraq,
the US, the European Union, Saudi Arabia and the Gulf, Cyprus, Greece, Russia –
just to name a few. Take the Russian S-400 missiles for example. He is damned if
he takes them and damned if he doesn’t. The American Congress has threatened
serious economic sanctions – such as excluding Turkey from the advanced fighter
jet F-35 program – if Turkey carries through with its purchase of the Russian
missiles. Erdoğan is desperately lobbying President Trump to overrule the
proposed sanctions, but Trump would have a great of difficulty in doing that
because the sanctions were approved unanimously in the famously partisan
Congress. Turkey has very few friends in Washington these days. If he doesn’t
take the Russian missiles who knows how Russian President Putin will react. Not
calmly one suspects.
Which one Mr. President? You can't have both. |
The
next step in this rapidly unfolding drama is the much-talked-about creation of
a new political party led by former stalwarts of previous AKP governments. Erdoğan
could be in a very difficult position if they succeed in forming such a party
and peeling away significant numbers of AKP members of parliament. Then he could
find himself as isolated domestically as he is on the international front. If
that happens his days as an autocratic one-man ruler could be over.