Turkish
voters have just made their country the model for every dictator and the envy
of every wanna-be dictator in the world. President Tayyip Erdoğan convinced 52%
of the voters to give him unprecedented powers to run the country exactly as he
sees fit. Separation of powers? Forget it. Independent journalism? Independent
judiciary? Forget it. Parliamentary checks and balances? Forget it.
Erdoğan
now has the power to rule by decree, appoint cabinet ministers and senior
officials answerable only to him, and appoint senior judges. In short, Erdoğan
is free to impose his 19th century vision on Turkey. I was going to
say 16th century, but there were some very enlightened Ottoman rulers
during that period.
With his absolute power where will he take Turkey? |
The
opposition put up a spirited fight, but in the end they were no match for the
sheer organizational skills of the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP)
and the charismatic power of a ‘strong man’ who said the dictatorial rule was
necessary to restore Turkey to its rightful place in the world – wherever that
might be. He has the typical autocrat’s disdain for the necessary, messy
compromises or checks and balances of real democracy. Why bother with other
people’s opinions when your own ideas are so good? Waste of time, really.
One
sure thing was Erdoğan’s determination to use every means – fair or foul -- at
his disposal to win this election. And after 16 years of near absolute control
it is fair to say he has many more weapons at his command than the opposition to
control the outcome of an election.
While
the physical act of voting may have been more or less free, it would be a
serious mistake to call these elections ‘free
and democratic’ in the true sense of the phrase. All Erdoğan’s opponents
faced severe restrictions on media exposure during the campaign. In addition to
the media outlets owned by Erdoğan’s henchmen or by people intimidated by him,
even the state TV station found reasons to keep the opponents off the air. The
campaign of Meral Akşener, leader of the IYI Party, also faced frequent
assaults and attempts by local Erdoğan supporters to prevent her election
rallies. Selahattin Demirtaş, leader of the Kurdish-based HDP party, had to run
his campaign from the prison where he has been kept for a couple of years on
unspecified charges. In these circumstances it’s a minor miracle that the
opponents performed as well as they did. A cynic would say it was all part of Erdogan's game plan. Let Ince run relatively free, but inhibit and intimidate the other two so their vote total won't challenge Erdogan. Crude, but effective.
Ince did well, but got no help from the other opposition parties |
Other
than Erdoğan’s personal victory there were a few interesting election results:
1.
Erdoğan’s
main opponent, Muharrem Ince, performed exactly as he predicted, winning just
under 31% of the presidential vote. He ran well ahead of his party, the CHP,
raising the expectation that he may assume leadership of the party and inject
some much-needed vitality. His problem was that Akşener and Demirtaş combined
did not get enough votes to help force the presidential election into the
second round. But, given the restrictions their campaigns faced, that is no
surprise.
2.
HDP,
the Kurdish party, secured enough votes (11.7%) to enter parliament with 67
MPs, making them the third largest group. HDP’s vote was undoubtedly helped by
voters from other parties who voted tactically just to make sure HDP passed the
10% threshold.
Selahattin Demirtas: Tough to run a campaign from behind bars |
3.
Erdoğan
ran way ahead of his AKP that received just over 42% of the vote, down from
previous elections. This reconfirms the president’s star power while
demonstrating that at least some of the party’s former voters are beginning to
lose faith with the party. AKP now has
293 MPs, below the 300 required to give them total control of parliament. They
will have to rely on the 50 MPs from the ultra-nationalist party MHP to
exercise what little authority left to the parliament. Look for Turkish policy
to become even more anti-Kurdish and bellicose.
4.
The
two rival nationalist parties, MHP and the newly-formed, IYI party combined
received more than 20% of the vote, far above the usual result for the
nationalists. Perhaps the government’s strident anti-Kurdish rhetoric and
military incursions into Syria and Iraq inspired this burst of nationalist
fervour. Things don't look good for Demirtaş's early release.
Assaults and boycott by most media hurt her campaign |
It remains to be
seen just what Erdoğan will do with his sharply enhanced powers. One would like
to think he might use them to help unite a badly fractured country and society.
Nice, but, given past performance, not too likely. He might also move
aggressively to counter the country’s mounting economic problems. Unfortunately,
he has shown absolutely no sign that he even understands the gravity of the
situation, let alone have any idea how to solve the problems.
During the
campaign he re-iterated his plan to force the Central Bank to reduce interest
rates as the best way to fight the increasing inflation and depreciating
currency. This will not have a happy ending.
He also stressed
his commitment to huge, budget-busting public works projects that will do
little except feed his fervent contractor allies while putting great stress on
an already weakened budget. One of his pet projects is the so-called Kanal
Istanbul, a canal rivalling the Suez Canal to run from the Black Sea to the Sea
of Marmara bypassing the Bosphorus Straits. It’s not clear where the $20
billion or so funding will come from, but the hapless and overstretched state
banks will undoubtedly be called upon to provide the funds.
While he is
touting grandiose projects, the real problems of inflation, unemployment,
mounting current account deficit, depreciating currency and a tattered
education system designed more for quill pens and rote memory than computers are
only getting worse. On top of this the once-strong agriculture sector is
reeling, forcing Turkey to import more and more basic food products like onions
and potatoes.
At some point,
these problems will snowball into a real economic and social crisis. But for
the moment Erdoğan is free to delude himself that they are all the fault of the
usual suspects – ‘foreign interests’
that are afraid of Turkey. This plays well in domestic elections, but doesn’t
do much to convince those same ‘foreign interests’ to lend you a hand when you
desperately need it.