The
ancient Athenian dramatists would find plenty of subject matter in modern Greek
politics. The only question would be whether Aristophanes or Euripides should
write the play. There’s enough material for the comedies of the former or the
tragedies of the latter.
There is absolutely no question that
the Greek people have been put through the economic and emotional wringer ever
since the crisis began more than five years ago. The economy has almost ground
to a halt, unemployment has soared, incomes have been slashed, the best and
brightest young people are fleeing the country for greater opportunities
elsewhere, and popular anger has reached a thundering crescendo. People are in
the mood to roll a few heads.
But whose? Therein lies the question.
Unlike other troubled European economies such as Spain or Ireland, the problem,
and any solution, go far beyond mere economics. Should they go after the entire
Greek political class whose deceit, mismanagement and self-interest over the
decades did so much to bring the country to its knees? Should they lash out at
the current government that has very reluctantly started a half-hearted reform
program? Better yet, should they vent their anger on the usual suspects – the
perfidious outsiders who have the nerve to put strict conditions on the
billions of Euros they have given Greece?
That
certainly is the position of the main opposition party, the left-tilting
Syriza. This is where Aristophanes would have a field day. The main thrust of
Syriza’s election campaign is promises to re-negotiate the bail-out agreement,
force the creditors to take a bigger hair-cut, give free electricity to certain
people, increase pensions, increase spending, do away with the real estate tax,
raise the minimum wage, and, by the way, reinstate the €12,000 tax-free
threshold. One would love to be in the room when these masters of Greek
melodrama meet with the decidedly un-melodramatic German Finance Minister
Wolfgang Schäuble to ‘renegotiate’
the terms of the bailout agreement. Good luck to them.
While
Syriza’s mishmash of proposals may sound contradictory and implausible to
anyone with minimal financial knowledge they are consistent with the general
anti-Western and anti-capitalist dogma of the Greek left that holds everyone
except themselves responsible for the country’s problems. Rather than see the
State with its old patronage system of politics as the author of many of Greece’s
serial catastrophes many of the Greek left see the State – which they want to control – as the country’s salvation. There is not much room for private
initiative in this resurrection of a failed system.
So
far the party has been relatively silent on its foreign policy objectives. This
is understandable. Generally it has favoured anyone who has loudly resisted ‘Western imperialism’. But where do they
turn now? The traditional international icons of the Greek left are fading
past. Che Guevara and Hugo Chavez are dead. And the Castro brothers are
competing to see who opens the first McDonald’s franchise in Havana. Even Iran
is in serious negotiations with the Great Satan. Maybe they can turn to Kim
Jong Un of North Korea. Or there’s always Hamas.
Syriza
maintains that it wants to remain in the European Union and the Euro. But it’s
difficult to see how this goal is compatible with its demands of restructuring
the bail-out package and back-peddling rapidly on even the small reforms that
have been taken. What will Syriza do if the so-called Troika (European
Commission, European Central Bank, and the IMF) refuse to budge? Will it stamp its
feet and threaten to pull Greece out of the Euro? While the destabilizing
effects of such a move are less than they were three years ago the thought of a
member country leaving the Euro still makes people nervous. The idea of Greece
back in the drachma may thrill the
zealots. Others view it as collective suicide.
One
hardened cynic in Athens says maybe it would be a good thing if Syriza wins. “Then,” he adds, “the Greek people will
finally see that the Left has absolutely no answers. There is no money, no room
for them to manoeuvre. There may be a fig of leaf of some debt rescheduling,
but there won’t be any fundamental change in the conditions for further
financial aid. Once the Greek people grasp the reality that there is no return
to the old days they might just accept some serious reform.”
Syriza leader Alexis Tsipras: Backwards to the future? |
Right
now the election campaign seems locked in what The Wall Street Journal calls ResponsibleStagnation or Reckless Collapse. If Syriza represents the Collapse part of the headline, the
government of Prime Minister Antonis Samaras represents the Responsible Stagnation. Indeed, the
prime minister has never really pushed the reform agenda demanded by Greece’s
creditors. He seems to present a picture of a weak person forced by
unreasonable people into something he personally would rather not do. The result is that his opponents have been able to focus on the dreaded austerity instead of the much needed reform. I haven’t
heard anyone make a virtue out of the demands for reforms, and loudly proclaim
that Greece has no choice. That the only hope for its young people is to break
with the destructive old ways and build a new political and economic system.
Polls
say the election will be very close. Syriza holds a small lead over New Democracy
of Prime Minister Samaras, but many voters say they are undecided. The most
likely outcome is a narrow victory with the winner forced to form an unstable
coalition. There could well be another election this year before a stable
government can be formed.
The stakes are huge,
especially for the young generation of Greeks who would much prefer to remain
in their native country rather than be forced to take their talents all over
the world. There is no shortage of brilliant people in Greece. The real
tragedy, suitable for Euripides, is that the existing political system does its
best to reduce that brilliance to a weak candle glow. Time for things to change
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