Once again Turkish
President Tayyip Erdoǧan has proved the accuracy of Canadian communications
theorist Marshall McLuhan’s statement that ‘the medium is the message.’
In
the recent Turkish presidential election, the medium was Erdoǧan himself
who succeeded in obscuring the real message that he is the one responsible for
driving the country near economic collapse and creating wide social/political
divisions. The winning margin was not huge, less than 5%, but demonstrated clearly
that his dominating presence on the campaign trail, generous use of economic
handouts, and domination of the media made all the difference. He succeeded in
identifying himself with just enough of the struggling sectors of society and
painting the opposition as gray men in gray suits who want to solve Turkey’s
economic problems on the backs of the poor. ‘I’m one of you. My
social/cultural values are the same as yours. I’m not some distant westernized
elitist who treats you like merely like wooden, unfeeling pieces on a chess
board.’
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Winner and still champion |
Erdoǧan
was clever in acknowledging the economic problems of the average citizen but
then strained all credulity by adding he alone could solve them. It’s a bit
like an arsonist saying he is the best person to put out a fire. He backed up
these statements by supplying things like free natural gas, discounted
electricity bills, and increased free internet usage for students. ‘Forget
the actual situation. Look at me. I’m helping you. The other bunch just wants
to take away everything you enjoy in the name of economic orthodoxy.’ The
fact that such steps make a bad situation worse is conveniently ignored.
The
government’s abject failure on the deadly earthquake – from amnesties for
substandard construction to slow emergency response – was obscured by promises
of rapid re-construction. Whether such rapid re-construction actually happens
is another question.
Will
Erdoǧan’s personal popularity withstand a further drop in the economy? There is
already speculation that he will try to recall the former deputy prime minister
Mehmet Şimșek to help run the economy. Şimșek used to work as a financial
analyst in London and at least understands the rudiments of conventional
economic management. For his sake I hope he
turns down the offer to return. It would be a no-win situation. If, by some
miracle, the economy improves Erdoǧan would take all the credit. If Şimșek is forced to continue Erdoǧan’s unorthodox policies and the economy crashes he
would take all the blame and quickly be forced out.
Much
of the western media is moaning about the ‘end of democracy’ in Turkey
and the return to dictatorship. It’s not that simple. By most accounts the
result of the election really does reflect the will of 52% of the people. We
might not like the result, but it does no good to blame the voters or the
alleged failure of democracy in Turkey. Erdoǧan may have bent most democratic
norms almost out of shape with his patronage and bombast, but the superficial
norms of democratic elections were maintained. Rigging the outcome began years
before the actual election as the institutions of the state were moulded –
legally -- in Erdoǧan’s favor. He recognized that the simple truth that the
person who controls the process controls the outcome. The only surprising thing
for me is that his victory margin was not larger.
Therein
lies hope for the future. The fact that nearly 48% of the voters saw through
Erdoǧan’s charade is encouraging. Tayyip Erdoǧan deserves a victory lap because
this victory was his and his alone. The message was nowhere near as
popular as the medium. I doubt that anyone else in his party could have
pulled this off. Just look at the municipal elections when Erdoǧan was not on
the ballot. Almost all his surrogates in major cities lost. Even in this
election the opposition won majorities in all the major cities except Bursa.
It
will be interesting to watch the political manoeuvring within the ruling AKP
party as well as the opposition coalition. There is already speculation on
post-Erdoǧan leadership of the AKP. Will Erdoǧan try to insert one of his
sons-on-law or will the very ambitious minister of the interior Suleyman Soylu
make a run for the top spot? I doubt very much that any of these replacements
can equal the sheer political magnetism of Tayyip Erdoǧan.
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Is Ekrem Imamoǧlu a credible challenger? |
What
about the opposition? Will the coalition hold together or will the charismatic
mayor of Istanbul, Ekrem Imamoǧlu, make a run for leadership? He clearly
outshone the opposition candidate Kemal Kılıçdaroǧlu during the campaign, but
he was a good soldier and worked hard for Kılıçdaroǧlu. Turkish politics is a very
rough sport and I hesitate to make any predictions. Nothing creates enemies
faster than an early claim to leadership. There is very little that Erdoǧan
would not do if he sees Imamoǧlu as a serious threat to his own plans.
There
will be many candidates claiming to be the only ones able to repair Turkey’s
economy and torn social fabric. For outsiders it will be fascinating spectator
sport. For frustrated, disheartened people inside Turkey it will be far more
serious.
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