Cyprus is one of those issues that illustrates clearly the difficulties
facing any well-meaning envoy trying to solve the long standing
political/social problems in the Eastern Mediterranean and Middle East.
The envoy starts off by making one fatal assumption -- that either side actually
wants any sort of a reasonable
solution.That, in the immortal words of Sportin’ Life in Gershwin’s Porgy and Bess, Ain’t Necessarily So. The
key word here is reasonable, i.e. any
solution that involves that dreaded concept of compromise. Neither side sees any need to budge. All parties to these
conflicts are absolutely convinced of the ‘self-evident’ religious or political
righteousness of their cause and the ‘obvious’ perfidy and heresy of their
opponents. Sunni, Shiite, Palestinian, Israeli, Turkish Cypriot, Greek Cypriot.
It makes no difference.
They will swear they want a solution and are perfectly happy to bury the
hatchet – as long as that hatchet is buried deep in the head of their opponent.
A compromise is where one or two of their opponents is left gasping for air in
a ditch by the side of the road.
Cyprus has seen a great deal of conflict in its long history, and the
latest chapter started in 1974 when Turkey landed troops and occupied most of
the northern part of the island. The Turks maintain they were protecting the
beleaguered Turkish minority against marauding Greek Cypriot gangs. The Greek
Cypriots maintain this intervention was an invasion, pure and simple. You can
be excused for thinking this sounds ominously like the current stand-off
between Russia and the Ukraine. And there we stand, 40 years later. The Turkish
troops are still there. And the island is still divided between the Turkish
Republic of Northern Cyprus – recognized only by Turkey – and the
internationally-recognized Republic of Cyprus in the south. It must be somewhat
galling to the Turks that a hold-over from the Middle Ages -- The Sovereign
Military Hospitaller Order of St. John of Jerusalem of Rhodes and Malta – that
does not have one square meter of territory has diplomatic missions in more
than 100 countries while Northern Cyprus has just one.
There was one abortive attempt at a settlement in 2004 with the
much-criticized Annan Plan that the Turkish Cypriots overwhelmingly approved
and the Greek Cypriots overwhelmingly rejected. Now that Cyprus, at least the
Greek controlled part of Cyprus, is in the European Union, it has very little,
if any, incentive to compromise on any point. And the Turkish Cypriots will accept
nothing that treats them as a minority in a Greek Cypriot controlled island. However,
the native Turkish Cypriots even now don’t have that bad a deal. Among other
things, they can get Cypriot passports and are thus de facto members of the EU, something their cousins on the mainland
see as a rapidly receding dream.
The United Nations has recently dropped a new envoy, a Norwegian with an
impressive CV, into this mix. Good luck to him at squaring the circle.
Actually, one of the best ideas I have heard on this issue came from a
brilliant Greek friend of mine during a recent lunch in London. His plan was
strikingly simple, and therefore most likely doomed at birth.
Under my friend’s plan the Turkish controlled part of the island would
become a separate state with the full acquis
communautaire of the European Union with full freedom of movement and
settlement. In return the Turks would remove their remaining troops from the
island. In addition the three guarantor powers – Turkey, Greece, and the United
Kingdom – would give up those powers. In theory, a member of the EU does not
need any external guarantees. Again, in theory, the Greek and Turkish Cypriots
would be free to live and work anywhere on the island.
Britain, always nervous about a solution that changes the legal status
of Cyprus and thus calling into question the legality of its bases on the
island, would require separate guarantees protecting those bases. In addition,
there would have to be agreement on the issues like the exact borders and the
compensation for those members of both communities whose property was lost
during the military intervention. Here I would anticipate typical EU legerdemain where there is quite a bit
of EU money disguised in such a way to persuade the average German taxpayer
that he is not footing the bill – again.
Before the Greeks throw up their hands and starting loudly whinging
about ‘rewarding’ military intervention they should think carefully about the
benefits of this plan. They get rid of the Turkish troops, both sides are
governed by EU regulations, the threat of future Turkish intervention is
removed, and the island’s moribund economy might start to grow. Furthermore it
becomes much easier to develop whatever natural gas lies offshore. Instead of
building a hugely expensive liquefied natural gas terminal on Cyprus they could
take the easy route with a pipeline to nearby Turkey and then onto Europe.
The Turks should also welcome this. The isolation of northern Cyprus is
ended, Turkey no longer has to provide hundreds of millions of dollars it doesn’t
have to subsidize the Turkish Cypriots, and a major hurdle in its own EU quest
is removed. Essentially it can bow out of the Cyprus quagmire with honour
maintained.
Is something this simple in theory likely to happen? Very doubtful.
Given all the history and entrenched attitudes I’m afraid the new UN envoy,
Espen Barth Eide, will have his hands full getting the two sides to agree to a
lunch menu much less a realistic solution. It would be nice, though, for once
to see common sense prevail in a part of the world that sees precious little of
that valuable commodity.
1 comment:
The problem is that the Greek Cypriots not only want the troops out they also want to have more land back. If you go to the north you can quickly see that the social fabric there works fairly well and that it is very difficult if not impossible to remove the current incumbents from the places where they are living. A great idea and worth pursuing but the entrenched views will never allow this to happen. DP.
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