Financial
markets were crumbling. A seat on the Stock Exchange costs less than a taxi
license. There was a sense that the centre could not hold against:
·
Uncontrolled expenses
·
Declining revenues
·
No access to debt markets
·
Powerful vested interests blocking any
changes
·
Fraudulent accounting
·
Soaring deficits
·
Near bankruptcy
Athens
in 2012? No, New York City in 1975. After wrestling with these conditions for
years the city faced the very real prospect of default on its bonds and bankruptcy
in 1975.
Rating
agencies had downgraded the city’s debt. The banks were unable to find any buyers for the debt required to roll
over New York’s obligations. On top of this the state and federal governments
had turned down any additional assistance on the grounds that the city first
had to get its own financial affairs in order. Essentially the city was threatening
the state and federal governments with the potential chaos of a huge municipal
bankruptcy unless it got the required aid. The state and federal governments,
for their part, were using the lever of potential aid to force the city to make
hard choices.
New York On A Chilly Day |
Change
the names and you have the current stand-off between Greece and the European
Union. But there is one major difference.
In 1975 New York was fortunate to have several brilliant financiers and a
strong governor who were given the scope to devise a bold, imaginative program
involving compromise, increased state control of the city’s finances,
additional state aid, and, ultimately, federal assistance. There are undoubtedly
equally brilliant financiers inside and outside Greece willing to help. But,
for now, they are on the sidelines while official Greece and the European Union
offer only a collection of midgets who confuse self-defeating micro-measures with
the bold reform required to pull Greece and the rest of the EU out of a
downward spiral.
On
the night of the Daily News Headline, financier Felix Rohayton was having
dinner with Governor Hugh Carey at the restaurant Elaine’s in the city. When he
heard of the federal rejection Rohayton recalls “I thought it was the end of us. But he (Carey) thought it was the beginning of winning. He was right.” Rohayton was to lead the Municipal Assistance Corporation set up by the state
to raise money for the city. The Emergency Financial Control Board was
established to bring order to the city’s chaotic financial management. The
unions saw the light of day, and finally compromised on job cuts and salary
adjustments. The rest, as they say, is
history. New York regained its fiscal balance and went from strength to
strength – even overcoming 9/11.
What
is so troubling about the Greek situation is the how rhetoric is getting
further and further away from reality. The electoral fortunes of the Greek
political party Syriza have risen
sharply as it attacked the ‘barbarous’ conditions of the memorandum
accompanying more than €100 billion in aid. The conditions are indeed tough,
but then the hole that the Greek state dug for itself is very, very deep. The
party makes no mention that this assistance, however tough, is keeping Greece
afloat right now.
Syriza has
cleverly and successfully changed the terms of the debate from overdue reform
of the Greek state to the supposed evils of the Troika (European Commission,
IMF, and the European Central BNK). Just listen to one Euclid Tsakalotos who calls himself an economics professor at Athens University.
“That
isn’t the Europe that the original inspirators (?) of Europe imagined. We’re
demanding a more democratic, a more social and a more just Europe.” Forget the
fact that Greece is not in a position to demand anything, this whining and pugnacious attitude is not going to help
Greece very much even if it finds some support in Europe.
Not
a word here about the desperate need for structural changes in Greece. He
simply wants the northern Europeans to hand over billions more in assistance
without any annoying conditions. He completely ignores the inconvenient truth
that without those painful changes Greece cannot possibly recover whether in
stays in the Euro or not.
The
pity is that many of these structural changes do not involve vast amounts of
money. But they do involve taking on very strong vested interests like the
bloated civil service, professional organizations, and even academia that have
stifled growth and change in Greece for so long. It is these changes, far more than
the abused and hated ‘austerity’ that will help Greece get on its feet.
Sadly,
the rhetoric on all sides dances around this point. Syriza clearly doesn’t think they are important. The Germans prefer
to force Greece into an ‘austerity’ program before focusing on the deeper
structural changes. Only IMF Director Christine Lagarde recognizes the
importance of reversing the order of austerity and structural change. But she
was overruled by Chancellor Angela Merkel who faces an electorate furious at
giving another of their precious pfennigs
to Greece.
It
would be nice if Greece and the EU could take a page out of New York’s book and
come up with some bold decisions that actually address the whole issue of the
viability of the Euro itself. Otherwise we may well see a Greek headline: Merkel to Greece: Drop Dead.
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